Working conditions
Mining, particularly for copper, was a labour intensive process
and in the early nineteenth century many of the region’s mines
were huge employers. In 1836-37 Tresavean employed over 1,300 men,
women and children while Consols and United employed
over 3,000, East Wheal Crofty and Wheal Vor over a thousand each,
and Fowey Consols and Lanescot over 1,500.
Life at or just above subsistence level required a maximum of
familial co-operation which meant that in the early 1800s
women and children worked in the mining industry. The 1842
Children’s Employment Commission noted that the mines from
Dartmoor to Land’s End employed about 19/20ths of the region’s
young people. The total number of persons employed in the mines of
Cornwall in 1842 was approximately 28,000 - 30,000 and those of
Devonshire a further 1,500. By contrast the Alston Moor District
in the North of England employed in the region of 5,000, Ireland,
approximately 4,500 and Scotland around 400. Clearly the Cornubian
ore-field was the key metalliferous mining region in the British
Isles in terms of young labour, and it was not unusual to find
children as young as 7 or 8 working at the mine’s surface, and
occasionally boys of this age underground. One of the first jobs
he would be given would be operating an air machine.
However, in spite of this bad air remained a problem that had
serious repercussions for miners’ health. An analysis of 18
samples of air taken in Cornish mines in 1842 showed the average
percentage composition of oxygen to be 17.076, carbonic acid gas
0.85 and nitrogen 82.848 (normal oxygen percentage is 21 and
carbonic acid gas 0.05). Added to this were carbonaceous particles
from miners’ dips and blasting and mineral dust. The agent of
Tretharrup Mine in Gwennap, noted that for most of the time the
air would be so thick with powder smoke that one could barely see
one’s hand. The air in Levant at the 130 fathom level was
described in 1864 as "dry, dusty and hot" in which a
candle would not burn properly. A miner who worked at the
Consolidated Mines in Gwennap in areas where a candle could only
be got to burn on its side, regularly spat up quantities of phlegm
"as black as ink." At times it was almost impossible to
see the shining end of the drill bit which miners had to strike to
drive the holes in which to place the explosives.
In 1864 a former miner from Tavistock reported to the
Commission that working in Wheal Maria in bad air had
"shortened his breath." A period of further employment
at Wheal Emma in a part of the mine in which no one else would
work had led to his chronic lung condition, described as
broncho-pneumonia, rendering him unfit for work. Mineral dust was
to become more of a problem when pneumatic rock drills were
introduced in the latter nineteenth century. These rapidly
increased productivity and although the number of Cornish mines
fell from 377 in 1870 to 138 in 1880, and the labour force
contracted from 26,528 to 12,211, the amount of ore produced per
person increased over the decade from £55.04 to £56.42. However,
a terrible price was to be paid by the miners for this increase in
terms of output, as rock drills were seen to be the main culprit
responsible for miners’ phthisis, a chronic and fatal lung
disease.
The early rock drills were based on the reciprocating piston
principle, which bored dry and threw out clouds of dust and
chippings. Cornish miners preferred to drill dry (a practise that
they claimed was faster), resisting the use of a jet of water to
dampen the dust. This in fact only made matters worse as fine
globules of spray floating in the air acted as a most perfect
conveyor of dust to the lungs. It was only when the axial feed
water drill of the hammer type replaced the reciprocating piston
drills did any improvement occur, over 40 years after the large
scale introduction of the rock drill to Cornwall. It is well known
that the fine mineral dust created by rock drills ravaged the lung
cavities and caused the premature death of thousands of miners,
particularly miners who had migrated to the Transvaal in their
thousands and where by 1896 about 1,015 machines were in
operation.
In the early 1900s, Redruth rock-drill operators who worked on
the Rand had an average life expectancy of four years. For this
reason the drill used to excavate the particularly hard quartz
rock of the gold reefs in South African mines became known as
"the widow maker." Yet miners in Cornwall’s mines
fared little better; the average life expectancy for men working
with rock drills in 1911 was only marginally better at five years,
and their average age was 39 (Burke, 1978). Sadly, employers were
not at all keen to acknowledge the long-term damage to rock drill
operatives’ health, and little in the way of compensation was
undertaken in Cornwall, in contrast to the Rand where in 1912
miners received a lump sum payment.
Surface workers too were not immune to the effects of mineral
dust, particularly the bal maidens who crushed up copper ore into
small fragments on anvils with large hammers. Conditions of work
for those at the surface were not ideal, with women and children
working in open sided sheds or on cobbled dressing floors that
were exposed to the sun, wind and rain. As lots of water was used
in the dressing of ores, surface workers’ shoes and clothing
were often wet and stained red from the iron oxide in the ore. Bal
maidens wore large hats called ‘gooks’ to protect their head
and face from flying stones and the elements, a coarse hessian
apron and wrapped their legs in strips of material to protect them
from the cold and damp.
Surface workers’ tasks were sometimes arduous and many
complained of the effects of over-exertion in the 1842 Children’s
Employment Commission, especially young boys employed at ‘jigging’;
being bent double over large sieves which they had to constantly
shake, they often brought up blood after a prolonged period at
this task. The Commissioner noted the poor physical condition of
many of the children and women on the dressing floors who did not
have sufficient nourishment to undertake hard, physical labour.
Around half an hour was allowed for lunch, but the agent at
Trethellan Mine, Gwennap noted that rather than eat communally,
some of the bal maidens disappeared to eat their lunch behind a
hedge embarrassed by the "meanness of their fare."
Miners carried their meal underground in a metal box called a
dinner pail, which commonly contained a ‘pasty’ or ‘hobban’
– pastry cases enclosing scraps of meat or fish with vegetables.
Water was taken underground in a small wooden barrel called an ‘anker’,
and mealtimes were communal. But some of those questioned in the
1842 Children’s Employment Commission remarked that it was not
always easy to locate an anker when one needed a drink to quench a
raging thirst in dry, dusty conditions.
Before the introduction of man engines and much later,
mechanised skips or cages, miners often had to climb vast
distances carrying their tools, supplies and dinner pails before
and after working. Man engines were costly devices to install and
only the bigger mines were prepared to undertake the expense.
Miners only got paid when they started work at their pitch and
were grateful for any time saving device that also spared them the
physical ordeal of climbing up and down numerous ladders. The
first man engine in Britain was installed at Tresavean Mine in
Gwennap in 1842 and the last to operate was at Levant, where a
terrible disaster occurred in 1919 claiming the lives of 31 people
when the cap that held the rod broke.
On the whole, the man engine had a fairly good safety record
and doubtless saved many miners’ lives, as countless accidents
were caused by exhausted and malnourished miners falling from
ladders, particularly at the end of shifts. The depth varied but
could have been as much as 300-600 meters which was not always
close to their place of work underground, often a cramped, hot
tunnel end occasionally fouled by the stench of human excrement.
In such damp, moist conditions, a disease named ankylostomiasis
thrived, the symptoms of which were red skin blotches and anaemia,
caused by contact with a parasitic worm that lived in human
faeces. It was not until the early twentieth century that mines
such as Dolcoath introduced pails to curb the spread of the
disease.
In the United Mines, levels in the ancient workings did not
exceed 5 feet by 2 feet wide, making it difficult to manoeuvre, whilst
in some of the deepest mines high temperatures made working
conditions appalling. In Cookes Kitchen Mine near Camborne, the
temperature soared to above 100 degrees Fahrenheit below 350
fathoms and heightened by hot exhaust from rock drills. In 1884
the east end of the 335 fathom level had to be left to cool for
two months before it was possible to work there. In such temperatures miners often
worked virtually naked. Flannel trousers, heavy boots without
socks and a strong, resin-impregnated felt hat with a convex crown
onto which was stuck a lump of clay to secure a candle, was all
that most could suffer to wear. In Tresavean, hot water issuing
from a cross cut deep in the mine in 1855 was measured at 114° F,
and burns from hot water were not uncommon (Schwartz & Parker,
1998). Men coming to grass after a shift encountered vast changes
in temperature, sometimes exceeding 40° F, and had no proper
facilities to wash and change into dry clothes. Miners sometimes
left their clothing in the engine house and were forced to remove
the worst of the grime at the end of their shift in the engine
pool. To try and improve working conditions, some bigger mines
introduced miners’ "drys" (changing facilities at the
surface) where miners could wash and don dry warm clothing before
leaving for home. Although primitive at first, these became more
sophisticated eventually by the twentieth century containing
heated lockers and bathing facilities. But arduous physical labour
in poor conditions and on an often meagre diet, exacerbated by the
onset of lung disease, made nineteenth century miners old men by
their 40s.
Mining was a dangerous occupation, in which accidents from
falling, blasting, drowning, rock-falls and entanglement in
machinery maimed and sometimes killed. In 1846, thirty one men
were killed in the mines of East Wheal Rose and North Wheal Rose
by torrential rain that flooded the workings, while at Wheal Owles
in 1893 miners inadvertently broke into the flooded workings of
Wheal Drea. This caused a catastrophic run (subsidence) to surface
and nineteen men and a boy were drowned. Accidents with explosives
were common, even after the introduction of the miners’ safety
fuse, invented by William Bickford in 1831, through miss-timed
holes or carelessness with charges. So dangerous was mining that
the Gwennap Vestry Book of 1836 noted that "from the nature
of the mines’ occupation the average duration of male lives is
from accidents and other causes, very materially shortened and in
consequence, the number of widows with young families is very
large."
The Health of Towns Association returns for 1841 showed that
the average age of death of all those who died in the Redruth
district at the heart of Cornish mining, was 28 years and 4
months, the lowest of any district in Cornwall. In 1851 over 19
per cent of the adult female population were widows in the mining
village of Lanner (Schwartz and Parker, 1998) and nearly 18 per
cent in Kenidjack in Penwith (Sharpe, 1998).
Many mines operated a Miners’ Club, a weekly levy to ensure a
few shillings a week would be paid to the miner’s family in case
of accident or injury. Doctor’s Pence usually covered surgical
assistance only and medical provision was often primitive. The
mine surgeon never ventured underground and injured men had to be
hoisted to surface to receive medical attention. The time delay in
doing so often proved fatal. There was clearly a need for proper
medical care, highlighted as early as 1778 by Price in his Mineralogia
Cornubiensis. The only hospital that existed was that at Truro
opened in 1799. In 1844 mine adventurers set up a Practical Miner’s
Society to remedy the lack of a hospital, and E.W.W. Pendarves
offered to turn a country house into one. But these attempts were
met with suspicion by the miners who threatened to tear down any
buildings constructed, an attitude by no means unique among
British workers at the time. With diseases and accidents so
common in the mining districts, it took a concerted effort by the
Rt. Hon. T.C. Agar-Robartes of Lanhydrock to initiate a successful
scheme for a miners’ hospital in the 1860s that resulted in a
hospital at Redruth supported by Lady Basset of Tehidy, Sir
Redvers Buller and Mr. Williams of Caerhayes Castle.
Despite the dangers, mining was the first choice occupation for
many Cornish men and women in the nineteenth century. It created a
tough group of people bound together with bonds of friendship and
trust rarely paralleled in other branches of industry. Their work
was arduous, the hours long and the rewards often little. But the
Cornish took an intense pride in their work and carried the
technology and achievements of their industry throughout the
world.
Suggested Further Reading
Barham, C., 1842, Reports to the
Commissioners on the Employment of Children, British
Parliamentary Papers.
Bartlett, S., 1994, The Mines and Men of Menheniot,
Truro.
Burke, G., 1978, ‘Members’ Contribution’ (on the rock
drill), Journal of the Trevithick Society, No. 6, pp.
85-86.
Burke, G., 1981, ‘The Cornish Miner and the
Cornish Mining Industry 1870-1921’, unpublished D.Phil thesis,
London University.
Deacon, B., 1998, "Proto-regionalisation: the case of
Cornwall", Journal of Regional and Local Studies, 18:1,
27-41.
Jenkin, A.K.H., 1927, The Cornish Miner, Truro.
Rowe, J. 1993, Cornwall in the Age of the
Industrial Revolution, Second Edition, St Austell.
Rule, J. 1971, ‘The labouring miner in
Cornwall c. 1740-1870: a study in social history’, Unpublished
D.Phil thesis, Warwick University.
Rule, J., 2001, ‘The Misfortunes of the Mine: Coping With
Life and Death in Nineteenth Century Cornwall’, Cornish
Studies 9, pp. 127-144.
Schwartz, S. P., and Parker R., 1998, Lanner:
A Cornish Mining Parish, Tiverton.
Schwartz, S. P., 2000, "’No Place for a
Woman’: Gender at Work in Cornwall’s Metalliferous Mining
History", Cornish Studies 8, Exeter, 69-96.
Sharpe, A., 1998, Kenidjack, St Just in Penwith, Cornwall: An
Archaeological Assessment.

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